Renshaw, in the fantasy, is obsequious. The immediately preceding scene, however, which stimulates the daydream, shows Mitty as manually incompetent unable to park his car properly or remove tire chainshelplessly subordinate to both the parking attendant and the garage mechanic who removes the tire chains, and dimly and unhappily aware of being middle-aged in contrast to the cocky youths taking charge of his automobile. In all daydreams except the last, Mitty can expertly manipulate some technological instrument, whose complexity is usually emphasized in the description of it:
Using data from the Baylor Religion Surveys Wave 4we investigate the extent to which guns empower gun owners morally and emotionally.
We also investigate the diversity of gun owners. We find a wide range of gun empowerment among gun owners, and that this relationship is related to gender, race, religiosity, political views, gun use, and economic distress.
Instead, we demonstrate that white men in economic distress find comfort in guns as a means to reestablish a sense of individual power and moral certitude.
Gun empowerment, in turn, affects opinions about gun action and policy. It also raises a host of difficult questions concerning what constitutes culture, what produces culture, and how do we demonstrate the effects of culture in action.
Exploring the meaning of guns in the United States may be one the best ways to approach these issues because it focuses on a single object—the gun—which brims with symbolic power far beyond its physical utility.
As such, the moral and emotional meaning of firearms provides a case study in how symbolic elements of cultural meaning are socially constructed and influence strategies of action.
In turn, we look at the extent to which gun empowerment relates to how individuals understand the source of gun violence, the virtue of gun policy, as well as the legitimacy of violence against the government.
We find that American gun owners vary greatly in their sense of empowerment from guns; most dramatically, white respondents who have undergone or fear economic distress tend to derive self-esteem and moral rectitude from their weapons. For this distinct group of gun owners, gun empowerment delivers a sense of meaning to life that neither economic status nor religious devotion currently provide.
In turn, owners who feel more emotionally and morally empowered by their guns are more likely to think that guns can solve social problems and make communities safer, and that citizens are sometimes justified in taking violent action against the government.
Rather, we see a profoundly sociological process at work because only certain gun owners within specific social groups and under particular economic circumstances find guns morally and emotionally restorative.
For this reason, gun control signifies something much more than a procedural policy to these owners; it has come to represent an attack on their masculinity, independence, and moral identity. The reason for this paradox is often attributed to the influence of gun lobbies, most notably the National Rifle Association, in American politics Melzer Christopher Ellison a indicates two general methodological approaches in the literature used to understand contemporary American gun culture s.
The first approach links regional measures of violence and inequality to a collective demand for firearms, and the second approach analyzes individual-level data to predict gun ownership and policy preferences.
Both quantitative approaches have yielded a better understanding of which communities experience the greatest gun violence and which Americans are most likely to own and use firearms. To these we can add a third approach—qualitative or ethnographic studies of gun owners see Carlson ab ; Carter ; Goss ; Kohn ; Melzer ; Stroud; Taylor These in-depth studies give greater insight into the ritual and ideological lives of gun owners.
The most consistent and discussed finding is the fact that gun ownership is especially prevalent in the South and also evident in the West. Critics of these descriptors point to the fact that, in most cases, these regionally defined cultures are based empirically on little more than higher gun ownership rates Felson and Pare ab.
As such, these are not direct measures of cultural systems of meaning or values. With regards to individual-level ownership a few consistent and reliable trends beyond regional variation emerge.
To better understand variation within the population of American gun owners, researchers often divide owners by how they use firearms.
The recreational subculture is further separated into intersecting groups; hunters, recreational shooters, collectors, and those who have firearms for work policemen, guards, and the military Lizotte and Bordua Americans who own guns for primarily defensive purposes are more likely to be grouped into categories that postulate a shared ideological or regional norm.
Katarzyna Celinska argues that similarities between recreational and defensive ownership can be traced to one ideological source—American individualism.
Others have shown gun ownership is tied to a need for collective security Kleck and Gertza fear of crime DeFronzoand waning confidence in the government Jiobu and Curry Overall, the quantitative literature on gun culture tends to be in search of the key defining characteristic of the American gun owner.
All of these monikers are accurate in the sense that many gun owners in the United States appear to share an emotional or group-identity attachment to guns that extends beyond their daily utility.
A set of questions on the Baylor Religion Survey Wave 4 target two important semiotic aspects of ownership. In fact, Stephen Vaisey argues that survey questions with forced response categories can accurately capture deeply embedded moral feelings and perspectives in ways that lengthy interviews or observations cannot.
Our two-pronged analysis investigates 1 the social sources of these feelings symbolic meaning as the dependent variable and 2 the political ramifications of these feelings symbolic meaning as the independent variable.
To that end, we empirically demonstrate how the symbol of the gun ultimately relies on social contexts for meaning and its motivational effects on political opinions and practices. CULTURE Debates about the importance of culture often devolve into discussions about the meaning of the word itself see Sewell and Smith for excellent overviews.Some regard it as a source of spiritual growth, while others see only falsehood.
Some see in myth the distinct character of particular cultures, while others see universal patterns. Some regard myth as "contemporary" and "alive", while others think of it as "ancient" and/or "dead.".
COMPSTAT Plus By George Gascón, Assistant Chief and Director of Operations, Los Angeles Police Department Since the creation of COMPSTAT by Chief William J. Bratton and Jack Maple in , when Bratton was the Commissioner of the New York Police Department, police .
not done well, “the critic fails to fuse his comment on the individual with his comment on the artist; and as a result, we get some statements about the man, and some statements about the 1 Robert H. Ellison, The Victorian Pulpit: Spoken and Written Sermons in Nineteenth-.
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The lurid history of Tennyson's family is interesting in itself, but some knowledge of it is also essential for understanding the recurrence in his poetry of themes of madness, murder, avarice, miserliness, social climbing, marriages arranged for profit instead of love, and estrangements between families and friends.
Some post-apocalyptic worlds (see below) are dystopias, but the usual feature of most dystopian fiction and film is that some type of society, however awful, still exists. A utopian world is exactly the opposite--a paradise of some sort.